Helen Doron is an accomplished experienced and knowledgeable teacher of English as a Second Language. In this piece here she provides parents with the details that will allow them to recognize just how important it is to talk a lot to their babies and very young children.

Reading skills ride on prior language development. The child with poor vocabulary, little conversation and a low level of variation in everyday life will naturally find reading both harder and less meaningful.

Doron’s paper provides the information that explains why reading stories to your children is helpful. In my view reading stories to your children is very good, but actually telling them stories is even better. Because we have lost the art of story telling in everyday life, I have suggested to many parents that they should read a story themselves, hide the book, tell the child the story, with all the bells and whistles they can muster, and then “find” the book, and read it over again, a day or two later. This gives the child a correct view of reading as a way of coding speech. In practice this approach leads to conversations about the story of a kind recommended by Grover (Russ) Whitehurst in his interesting essay on ‘dialogic reading’. In this he has formalized categories for typing different kinds of conversational gambits in a way useful to help parents understand why what they may do quite naturally is very useful. (See Whiting’s paper in readings provided to expand on the topic of Why Stories, Music, Writing?) GS

Helen Doron : Early English

Annual Conference 2000  and S.E.A.L. conference 2001

 

Becoming Better Teachers By Understanding Neurolinguistics and Brain Functioning

 (Child Neurolinguistic Development from 0 - 3)

 

Introduction

 

A child's brain begins as a chaotic pool of unconnected neurons waiting to be stimulated, directed and wired in some logical pattern. This complex wiring creates an excessive number of connections, causing the brain to rapidly overdevelop between the ages of two and 10. Although trillions and trillions of neurons are connected during this burst of discovery, more than half of the excessive connections will eventually be eliminated. The trick, according to Dr. Chugani, is to keep desired connections alive and permanent to allow for efficient processing of a variety of functions.

 

During the first decade of life, the cerebral cortex undergoes a dramatic curve in energy consumption. Metabolic rates in the brain rapidly increase beginning at birth and begin to reach adult values around age two. At age three, a child’s metabolic brain energy far exceeds adult levels, and by age four, a "plateau" is reached which lasts until about age nine. This plateau is the result of hyperconnectivity, where cortical neurons have formed excessive connections, which are later either preserved or selectively eliminated depending upon exposures and stimuli. Around age 10, plasticity of the brain begins a gradual decline until 16 or 18, at which point, the levels of glucose utilization have reached adult values.

 

Because the regions of the brain develop systematically, there are critical windows of opportunity for learning. Different regions become more malleable during particular phases. "Our brains are particularly open to certain stimulations at certain times," said Dr. Chugani. "Once that time is up, you can never recapture that unique ability."

 

So if your little girl wants to play a musical instrument, she shouldn’t wait until age 20 when the cortex is already developed. She should begin at age five when her cortex is being wired specifically for such skills. The connections then become part of the brain’s formation. Dr. Chugani explains it this way. If a child has done something many times before, it becomes easier, not just physically but biologically, too. The pathway in the brain becomes very clearly drawn or wired over time. So if a child learns a second language or plays a musical instrument very early, the connections for that task are very clear and unobstructed. If the child has never encountered a situation before, the brain has to try several different pathways, and may be re-routed several times before making the appropriate connection.

 

Dr. Chugani also stresses the importance of repeated and reinforced learning. Research suggests that crash courses in a second language are much less effective than continuous learning over four or five years. It doesn’t do much good to enroll a child in a French class for one semester, because the brain benefits from repeated exposures, not intense isolated hits. This same reasoning explains how children become wired for positive or negative behaviors.

 

They learn what is reinforced throughout their childhood.

 

Why do all members of some families seem to continually explode or overreact to simple situations? A child’s automatic response mechanisms are learned through collected past experiences over a lasting period, so if you are raised in a hostile environment with parents who often yell or exhibit violent behaviors, you will probably become "hard-wired" for hostility. The brain doesn’t screen out negative behaviors. This is just one reason Dr. Chugani is opposed to television violence. "It becomes a passively learned behavior," he said. "You learn what you see--and again the brain doesn’t differentiate between good and bad." All exposures are registered and stored until they become reinforced or contradicted by others.

 

Levels of Language

 

Prosody          intonation and rhythm

Phonetics       pure sounds

Phonology      sounds arranged into units of meaning

Morphology    word grammar

Syntax sentence structure

Semantics      meaning

 

0 - 10 months

 

The path leading to language begins even before birth, when a developing fetus is bathed in the muffled sound of its mother's voice in the womb. Newborn babies prefer their mothers' voices over those of their fathers or other women, and researchers recently have found that when very young babies hear a recording of their mothers' native language, they will suck more vigorously on a pacifier than when they hear a recording of another tongue.

 

At first, infants respond only to the prosody--the cadence, rhythm, and pitch--of their mothers' speech, not the words. But soon enough they home in on the actual sounds that are typical of their parents' language. Every language uses a different assortment of sounds, called phonemes, which combine to make syllables. (In English, for example, the consonant sound "b" and the vowel sound "a" are both phonemes, which combine for the syllable ba, as in banana.) To an adult, simply perceiving, much less pronouncing, the phonemes of a foreign language can seem impossible. In English, the p of pat is "aspirated," or produced with a puff of air; the p of spot or tap is unaspirated. In English, the two p's are considered the same; therefore it is hard for English speakers to recognize that in many other languages the two p's are two different phonemes. Japanese speakers have trouble distinguishing between the "l" and "r" sounds of English, since in Japanese they don't count as separate sounds.

 

Polyglot tots. Infants can perceive the entire range of phonemes, according to Janet Werker and Richard Tees, psychologists at the University of British Columbia in Canada. Werker and Tees found that the brains of 4-month-old babies respond to every phoneme uttered in languages as diverse as Hindi and Nthlakampx, a Northwest American Indian language containing numerous consonant combinations that can sound to a nonnative speaker like a drop of water hitting an empty bucket.

 

Kuhl, Williams, Lacerda, Stevens and Lindblum in 1992 (Science) found that by 6 months of age, babies recognized the phonemes of their mother tongue as distinct from those of other languages.

 

By the time babies are 10 months to a year old, however, they have begun to focus on the distinctions among phonemes of their native language and to ignore the differences among foreign sounds. Children don't lose the ability to distinguish the sounds of a foreign language; they simply don't pay attention to them. This allows them to learn more quickly the syllables and words of their native tongue.

 

An infant's next step is learning to fish out individual words from the nonstop stream of sound that makes up ordinary speech. Finding the boundaries between words is a daunting task, because people don't pause . . . between . . . words . . . when . . . they speak. Yet children begin to note word boundaries by the time they are 8 months old, even though they have no concept of what most words mean. Last year, Jusczyk and his colleagues reported results of an experiment in which they let 8-month-old babies listen at home to recorded stories filled with unusual words, like hornbill and python. Two weeks later, the researchers tested the babies with two lists of words, one composed of words they had already heard in the stories, the other of new unusual words that weren't in the stories. The infants listened, on average, to the familiar list for a second longer than to the list of novel words.

 

The cadence of language is a baby's first clue to word boundaries. In most English words, the first syllable is accented. This is especially noticeable in words known in poetry as trochees--two-syllable words stressed on the first syllable--which parents repeat to young children (BA-by, DOG-gie, MOM-my). At 6 months, American babies pay equal amounts of attention to words with different stress patterns, like gi-RAFFE or TI-ger. By 9 months, however, they have heard enough of the typical first-syllable-stress pattern of English to prefer listening to trochees, a predilection that will show up later, when they start uttering their first words and mispronouncing giraffe as raff and banana as nana. At 30 months, children can easily repeat the phrase "TOM-my KISS-ed the MON-key," because it preserves the typical English pattern, but they will leave out the the when asked to repeat "Tommy patted the monkey." Researchers are now testing whether French babies prefer words with a second-syllable stress--words like be-RET or ma-MAN.

 

Decoding patterns. Most adults could not imagine making speedy progress toward memorizing words in a foreign language just by listening to somebody talk on the telephone. That is basically what 8-month-old babies can do, according to a provocative study published in 1996 by the University of Rochester's Newport and her colleagues, Jenny Saffran and Richard Aslin. They reported that babies can remember words by listening for patterns of syllables that occur together with statistical regularity.

 

The researchers created a miniature artificial language, which consisted of a handful of three-syllable nonsense words constructed from 11 different syllables. The babies heard a computer-generated voice repeating these words in random order in a monotone for two minutes. What they heard went something like "bidakupadotigolabubidaku." Bidaku, in this case, is a word. With no cadence or pauses, the only way the babies could learn individual words was by remembering how often certain syllables were uttered together. When the researchers tested the babies a few minutes later, they found that the infants recognized pairs of syllables that had occurred together consistently on the recording, such as bida. They did not recognize a pair like kupa, which was a rarer combination that crossed the boundaries of two words. In the past, psychologists never imagined that young infants had the mental capacity to make these sorts of inferences. "We were pretty surprised we could get this result with babies, and with only brief exposure," says Newport. "Real language, of course, is much more complicated, but the exposure is vast."

 

Innate Language Capacity of Newborns

 

Learning words is one thing; learning the abstract rules of grammar is another. When Noam Chomsky first voiced his idea that language is hard-wired in the brain, he didn't have the benefit of the current revolution in cognitive science, which has begun to pry open the human mind with sophisticated psychological experiments and new computer models. Until recently, linguists could only parse languages and marvel at how quickly children master their abstract rules, which give every human being who can speak (or sign) the power to express an infinite number of ideas from a finite number of words.

 

Universal Grammar:There also are a finite number of ways that languages construct sentences. As Chomsky once put it, from a Martian's-eye view, everybody on Earth speaks a single tongue that has thousands of mutually unintelligible dialects. For instance, all people make sentences from noun phrases, like "The quick brown fox," and verb phrases, like "jumped over the fence." And virtually all of the world's 6,000 or so languages allow phrases to be moved around in a sentence to form questions, relative clauses, and passive constructions.

 

Statistical wizards. Chomsky posited that children were born knowing these and a handful of other basic laws of language and that they learn their parents' native tongue with the help of a "language acquisition device," preprogrammed circuits in the brain. Findings like Newport's are suggesting to some researchers that perhaps children can use statistical regularities to extract not only individual words from what they hear but also the rules for cobbling words together into sentences.

 

Computational linguists have designed computer models called artificial neural networks that are very simplified versions of the brain and that can "learn" some aspects of language. Artificial neural networks mimic the way that nerve cells, or neurons, inside a brain are hooked up. The result is a device that shares some basic properties with the brain and that can accomplish some linguistic feats that real children perform.

 

But neural networks have yet to come close to the computation power of a toddler. Ninety percent of the sentences uttered by the average 3-year-old are grammatically correct.

 

10 - 13 months: 1st words

 

Characteristics:

one or two syllables.

Consonant clusters (e.g. st) and diphthongs (e.g. you) are rare.

Most consonants are in front of mouth, e.g. p, b, d, t, m, n.

Most common vowels: are those in "stop" and "eet".

Reduplication common e.g. baba for "bottle"

 

Meanings of first words

 

(Nelson, 1973)

 

51%    general nominals       e.g. ball, doggie, snow

14%    specific nominals      e.g. mommy, pet names

13%    actionwords   e.g. give, byebye, up

9%      modifiers        e.g. red, dirty, outside, mine ….

8%      personal social words          e.g. no, yes, please

4%      function words           e.g. what, for ….

 

These are the number of terms in each category, not necessarily the frequency of use. Selective: food, clothing, animal, toy and vehicle names.

 

Change is important: objects that move and change themselves. The rest is “part of the furniture” e.g. not common TV, table, window, tree but common clock, blanket, key, car etc..

 

Overextension

 

Overextension  most common between 13 – 30 months.

 

Words or sentences?

 

Children use first words in several ways.

 

1.         Seldom simply as a name e.g. sees ball and says ball. This happens, but rarer.

2.         More typical is child who sees his father’s slippers and says daddy. i.e. comment on object or event in the environment.

3.         Child says airplane when he sees plane in sky and byebye when it’s gone, i.e. the importance of a transition point / change in child’s environment.

4.         Location,e.g. when an object is moved, child says down.

5.         Description or commanding herself, i.e. child blows nose and says nose.

6.         Negatives: not just using word no, but more complex forms of negation too.

 

Holophrastic speech = words that are sentences.

 

Back to neurolinguistics: Children may be noticing grammatical morphemes when they are as young as 10 months and have just begun making connections between words and their definitions. Gerken recently found that infants' brain waves change when they are listening to stories in which grammatical morphemes are replaced with other words, suggesting they begin picking up grammar even before they know what sentences mean.

 

Such linguistic leaps come as a baby's brain is humming with activity. Within the first few months of life, a baby's neurons will forge 1,000 trillion connections, an increase of 20-fold from birth. Neurobiologists once assumed that the wiring in a baby's brain was set at birth. After that, the brain, like legs and noses, just grew bigger. That view has been demolished, says Anne Fernald, a psycholinguist at Stanford University, "now that we can eavesdrop on the brain." Images made using the brain-scanning technique positron emission tomography have revealed, for instance, that when a baby is 8 or 9 months old, the part of the brain that stores and indexes many kinds of memory becomes fully functional. This is precisely when babies appear to be able to attach meaning to words.

 

Other leaps in a child's linguistic prowess also coincide with remarkable changes in the brain. For instance, an adult listener can recognize eleph as elephant within about 400 milliseconds, an ability called "fast mapping" that demands that the brain process speech sounds with phenomenal speed. "To understand strings of words, you have to identify individual words rapidly," says Fernald. She and her colleagues have found that around 15 months of age, a child needs more than a second to recognize even a familiar word, like baby. At 18 months, the child can get the picture slightly before the word is ending. At 24 months, she knows the word in a mere 600 milliseconds, as soon as the syllable bay has been uttered.

 

Fast mapping takes off at the same moment as a dramatic reorganization of the child's brain, in which language-related operations, particularly grammar, shift from both sides of the brain into the left hemisphere. Most adult brains are lopsided when it comes to language, processing grammar almost entirely in the left temporal lobe, just over the left ear. Infants and toddlers, however, treat language in both hemispheres, according to Debra Mills, at the University of California--San Diego, and Helen Neville, at the University of Oregon. Mills and Neville stuck electrodes to toddlers' heads to find that processing of words that serve special grammatical functions, such as prepositions, conjunctions, and articles, begins to shift into the left side around the end of the third year.

 

From then on, the two hemispheres assume different job descriptions. The right temporal lobe continues to perform spatial tasks, such as following the trajectory of a baseball and predicting where it will land. It also pays attention to the emotional information contained in the cadence and pitch of speech. Both hemispheres know the meanings of many words, but the left temporal lobe holds the key to grammar.

 

Sign Language

 

This division is maintained even when the language is signed, not spoken. Ursula Bellugi and Edward Klima, a wife and husband team at the Salk Institute for Biological Studies in La Jolla, Calif., recently demonstrated this fact by studying deaf people who were lifelong signers of American Sign Language and who also had suffered a stroke in specific areas of the brain. The researchers found, predictably, that signers with damage to the right hemisphere had great difficulty with tasks involving spatial perception, such as copying a drawing of a geometric pattern. What was surprising was that right hemisphere damage did not hinder their fluency in ASL, which relies on movements of the hands and body in space. It was signers with damage to the left hemisphere who found they could no longer express themselves in ASL or understand it. Some had trouble producing the specific facial expressions that convey grammatical information in ASL. It is not just speech that's being processed in the left hemisphere, says MIT's Pinker, "or movements of the mouth, but abstract language."

 

Birth of a language

 

Linguists have never had the chance to study a spoken language as it is being constructed, but they have been given the opportunity to observe a new sign language in the making in Nicaragua. When the Sandinistas came to power in 1979, they established schools where deaf people came together for the first time. Many of the pupils had never met another deaf person, and their only means of communication at first was the expressive but largely unstructured pantomime each had invented at home with their hearing families. Soon the pupils began to pool their makeshift gestures into a system that is similar to spoken pidgin, the form of communication that springs up in places where people speaking mutually unintelligible tongues come together. The next generation of deaf Nicaraguan children, says Judy Kegl, a psycholinguist at Rutgers University, in Newark, N.J., has done it one better, transforming the pidgin sign into a full-blown language complete with regular grammar. The birth of Nicaraguan sign, many linguists believe, mirrors the evolution of all languages. Without conscious effort, deaf Nicaraguan children have created a sign that is now fluid and compact, and which contains standardized rules that allow them to express abstract ideas without circumlocutions. It can indicate past and future, denote whether an action was performed once or repeatedly, and show who did what to whom, allowing its users to joke, recite poetry, and tell their life stories.

 

18 - 20 months - putting words together

 

Two basic observations

 

1.         Child language is simpler than adult language in a regular way. Typically nouns, verbs and adjectives are present whereas articles, conjunctions, prepositions and endings are normally missing.

2.         Early child language is genuinely creative – not only are many child utterances not identical to adult utterances the child may have heard, but they are not even simplifications. A child who watches a door being closed and says allgone outside has constructed a novel utterance.

 

Telegraphic speech: emphasizes the first of the  observations above, e.g. I see the truck becomes I see truck.

 

18-month olds recognize complicated grammar

 

Inside a small, dark booth, 18-month-old Karly Horn sits on her mother Terry's lap. Karly's brown curls bounce each time she turns her head to listen to a woman's recorded voice coming from one side of the booth or the other. "At the bakery, workers will be baking bread," says the voice. Karly turns to her left and listens, her face intent. "On Tuesday morning, the people have going to work," says the voice. Karly turns her head away even before the statement is finished. The lights come on as graduate student Ruth Tincoff opens the door to the booth. She gives the child's curls a pat and says, "Nice work."

 

Karly and her mother are taking part in an experiment at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, run by psycholinguist Peter Jusczyk, who has spent 25 years probing the linguistic skills of children who have not yet begun to talk. Like most toddlers her age, Karly can utter a few dozen words at most and can string together the occasional two-word sentence, like "More juice" and "Up, Mommy." Yet as Jusczyk and his colleagues have found, she can already recognize that a sentence like "the people have going to work" is ungrammatical. By 18 months of age, most toddlers have somehow learned the rule requiring that any verb ending in -ing must be preceded by the verb to be. "If you had asked me 10 years ago if kids this young could do this," says Jusczyk, "I would have said that's crazy."

 

Linguists these days are reconsidering a lot of ideas they once considered crazy.

 

Recent findings like Jusczyk's are reshaping the prevailing model of how children acquire language.The dominant theory, put forth by Noam Chomsky, has been that children cannot possibly learn the full rules and structure of languages strictly by imitating what they hear. Instead, nature gives children a head start, wiring them from birth with the ability to acquire their parents' native tongue by fitting what they hear into a pre-existing template for the basic structure shared by all languages. (Similarly, kittens are thought to be hard-wired to learn how to hunt.) “Language”, writes Massachusetts Institute of Technology linguist Steven Pinker, "is a distinct piece of the biological makeup of our brains."

 

Chomsky, a prominent linguist at MIT, hypothesized in the 1950s that children are endowed from birth with "universal grammar," the fundamental rules that are common to all languages, and the ability to apply these rules to the raw material of the speech they hear--without awareness of their underlying logic.

 

Yet for all of grammar's seeming illogic, toddlers' brains may be able to spot clues in the sentences they hear that help them learn grammatical rules, just as they use statistical regularities to find word boundaries. One such clue is the little bits of language called grammatical morphemes, which among other things tell a listener whether a word is being used as noun or as a verb. The, for instance, signals that a noun will soon follow, while the suffix ion also identifies a word as a noun, as in vibration. Psycholinguist LouAnn Gerken of the University of Arizona recently reported that toddlers know what grammatical morphemes signify before they actually use them. She tested this by asking 2-year-olds a series of questions in which the grammatical morphemes were replaced with other words. When asked to "Find the dog for me," for example, 85 percent of children in her study could point to the right animal in a picture. But when the question was "Find was dog for me," they pointed to the dog 55 percent of the time. "Find gub dog for me," and it dropped to 40 percent.

 

It is striking how little difficulty the child has with any of the general mechanisms of language: the notion of a sentence, rules for combining various classes of words, the expression of a wide variety of meanings, the concept of inflections, and more. All are present from a very early age. Particular rules, meanings and inflections may, however, require time for mastery.

 

The early appearance of many semantic relationships, together with the striking differences between many child utterances and the adult speech around the child, strongly suggests that the child is attempting above all to express his own ideas, emotions, and actions through whatever system she has so far constructed,

 

The acquisition of grammatical morphemes of English is in a regular sequence determined mainly by grammatical complexity and by semantic complexity.

 

Overregularization

 

Stage 1          Came, did, broke are leant. Not surprising as irregular forms are 4 times as common in adult speech to children as regular ones.

Stage 2          Regular past tense morpheme - ed is learnt and suddenly appears in all verbs, regular and irregular alike, e.g. comed, doed, breaked.

Stage 3          Child returns to correct irregular forms together with regular forms.

 

This shows that the child is essentially a pattern learner. Once a pattern is acquired, it will be applied as broadly as possible.

 

Other types of error show how the child filters rules through his own emerging grammatical system: e.g.

Going to put some sugars (count nouns v. mass nouns)

I didn’t spilled it

Does the kitten stands up?

 

The search for patterns on the part of the child can even override her desire to match the patterns of the language around her.

 

Vocabulary

 

A recent study indicates that the size of toddlers' vocabularies depends in large measure on how much their mothers talk to them. At 20 months, according to a study by Janellen Huttenlocher of the University of Chicago, the children of talkative mothers had 131 more words in their vocabularies than children whose mothers were more taciturn. By age 2, the gap had widened to 295 words.

 

In other words, children need input and they need it early, says Newport. Parking a toddler in front of the television won't improve vocabulary, probably because kids need real human interaction to attach meaning to words.

 

3 years old

 

You may feel confident that you can outsmart your three-year old, but when it comes to brainpower, he’s probably got you beat. The metabolic energy consumed by a child’s brain is 225 percent that of an adult. Does that mean your child is far more intelligent? Probably not--but it does indicate that he’s thinking and processing information at a much greater rate. And at this tender young age, he holds an incredible strength--his immense capacity for learning.

 

Neurolinguistics today

 

The debate over how much of language is already vested in a child at birth is far from settled, but new linguistic research already is transforming traditional views of how the human brain works and how language evolved. "This debate has completely changed the way we view the brain," says Elissa Newport, a psycholinguist at the University of Rochester in New York. Far from being an orderly, computerlike machine that methodically calculates step by step, the brain is now seen as working more like a beehive, its swarm of interconnected neurons sending signals back and forth at lightning speed. An infant's brain, it turns out, is capable of taking in enormous amounts of information and finding the regular patterns contained within it.

 

Geneticists and linguists recently have begun to challenge the common-sense assumption that intelligence and language are inextricably linked, through research on a rare genetic disorder called Williams syndrome, which can seriously impair cognition while leaving language nearly intact. Increasingly sophisticated technologies such as magnetic resonance imaging are allowing researchers to watch the brain in action, revealing that language literally sculpts and reorganizes the connections within it as a child grows.

 

Hearing more than one language in infancy makes it easier for a child to hear the distinctions between phonemes of more than one language later on says Newport. Newport and other linguists have discovered in recent years that the window of opportunity for acquiring language begins to close around age 6, and the gap narrows with each additional candle on the birthday cake. Children who do not learn a language by puberty will never be fluent in any tongue. That means that profoundly deaf children should be exposed to sign language as early as possible, says Newport. If their parents are hearing, they should learn to sign. And schools might rethink the practice of waiting to teach foreign languages until kids are nearly grown and the window on native command of a second language is almost shut.

 

Linguists don't yet know how much of grammar children are able to absorb simply by listening. And they have only begun to parse the genes or accidents of brain wiring that might give rise, as Pinker puts it, to the poet or the raconteur. What is certain is that language is one of the great wonders of the natural world, and linguists are still being astonished by its complexity and its power to shape the brain. Human beings, says Kegl, "show an incredible enthusiasm for discourse."

 

Maybe what is most innate about language is the passion to communicate.

 

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